NEW DELHI — Gautam Adani began the
year as one of the richest men who ever lived, an upstart billionaire whose
conglomerate, one of India’s largest, had surged in value by 2,500 percent in
five years.
اضافة اعلان
That rise, as he portrayed it, was not his
alone: It was inseparable from the “growth story” of India itself. His
companies’ goals were in lock-step with the country’s needs, he often said.
Relying on his long-standing partnership with India’s powerful leader, Narendra
Modi, he brought his private companies — spanning power, ports, food, and more
— into alignment with one politician more closely than any business titan
before him.
Gautam Adani, the founder India’s Adani
Group, whose net worth of $120 billion makes him the richest person in Asia, at
a hotel suite in Boston in October 2022.
Now, in spectacular fashion, the fortunes
of his Adani Group are crashing down even faster than they had shot up — a
collapse whose pain will be felt across the country, rippling through its
economic and political spheres.
More than $110 billion in market value —
roughly half the Adani Group’s worth — has vanished in just over a week, like
air from a burst balloon. The pinprick was a report by a small New York
investment firm, Hindenburg Research, whose description of “brazen accounting
fraud” and stock manipulation sent investors fleeing, just as the Adani Group
was beginning a sale of new shares to investors, India’s biggest-ever secondary
share offering.
Adani’s fall could jeopardize the idea of India as the world’s next great hope as a driver of global economic growth.
Adani Group wrapped itself in nationalism
as a defense, calling the report “a calculated attack on India” and on “the
independence, integrity, and quality of Indian institutions.” Hindenburg
retorted that Adani was waving the flag to obfuscate shady dealings, like the
use of offshore shell companies to exaggerate its stocks’ valuations in order
to paper over its excessively debt-fueled ascent.
What Adani’s downfall means for IndiaThe debacle could damage confidence in the
rest of the Indian stock market. At their peak, Adani shares accounted for more
than 6 percent of India’s two main exchanges; today, the figure is barely 3
percent. More troublingly, Adani’s fall could jeopardize the idea of India as
the world’s next great hope as a driver of global economic growth.
Its government is facing questions about
whether financial regulators were doing their jobs properly while the Adani
Group threw off funny signals for Hindenburg to pick apart. The country’s chief
regulator has had a sterling reputation in the three decades since it was
empowered by market-crashing stock scam. Now, the concern is that India’s
financial oversight has bigger holes than believed, or that the politically
connected Adani somehow got a free pass.
Politically, there is the question of
whether Adani’s downfall will dent the national development model that Modi has
relied on for his reputation as a builder of the things India needs. India is
not short of companies with experience of the sort that Modi’s ambitions
demand. But if debts overwhelm the Adani Group, India could find itself without
an industrial champion.
Fraud and failure are hardly the image that
Modi or India want to convey, this year in particular, with the country freshly
minted as the world’s fifth largest economy and asserting itself more
forcefully on the global stage.
The US foreign policy establishment is
eager to strengthen ties with India. Russia’s war in Ukraine, alongside the
increasingly contentious relationship between the US and China, has made India
seem more urgently needed as a partner. And India is making much out of its
rotation into the role of host to the Group of 20 later this year, billing
itself as “the Mother of Democracy” for the occasion.
Fraud and failure are hardly the image that
Modi or India want to convey, this year in particular, with the country freshly
minted as the world’s fifth largest economy
Modi’s political opponents think they may
catch him in a moment of weakness, even if they appear to have little chance of
dislodging him in next year’s election. Parliament was suspended for a second
day running on Friday, as the opposition loudly demanded answers to questions
about what regulators knew about the Adani Group’s finances.
The Modi-Adani origin storyThe story of the close working relationship
between Adani, 60, and Modi, 72, begins in earnest in 2002, when Hindu-Muslim
riots ravaged Gujarat, a state along India’s west coast where Modi served as
chief minister and where the Adani Group is based.
Modi’s image was badly damaged in the wake
of the mass violence, in which 1,000 people, most of them Muslims, were killed.
The leaders of Modi’s own Bharatiya Janata Party, then in control of the
national government, were furious about the stain to the country’s image caused
by the bloodshed in Gujarat.
India’s biggest businesses were, if
anything, even more critical. The leaders of two of the country’s oldest
business groups, Bajaj and Godrej, questioned Modi about his state’s
“law-and-order situation” at a meeting of India’s largest trade association in
2003.
It was the Gujarati business community that
came to Modi’s aid then. Adani helped create an organization to diminish the
trade association locally and, working with Modi’s state government, helped create
an annual conference for investors with the name “Vibrant Gujarat”. Under
Modi’s steady hand, the state’s economic growth accelerated substantially.
This pumped-up Gujarat proved too important
for either the BJP or the trade association to ignore; politicians and business
owners alike made pilgrimages to see Modi and plead forgiveness for having
criticized him. Over time, Modi’s image was rehabilitated.
When he ran for national office in 2014, he
was able to stand as an icon of modern, tech-driven economic development. After
he triumphed, he flew to Delhi, the seat of national power, on Adani’s private
jet.
A blooming public-private partnershipOnce Modi took office, shares in Adani
jumped — Adani Enterprises, one subsidiary, was suddenly worth 23 percent more
— as investors seemed to calculate that closeness to the new government would
bring rewards in time.
In an interview with the New York Times in
October, Adani attributed his wild success to “governance of the businesses,
the financial discipline, decision-making processes with more predictability,
and confidence of our lenders and rating agencies.” And, “of course, underlying
growth of the country.”
During the past week, as India watched the corporate leader most closely associated with Modi stand on the brink of disaster, much of its elite seemed ready to will itself into a state of disbelief.
In the budget that Nirmala Sitharaman,
India’s finance minister, delivered in the midst of Adani’s market-cap
destruction, she announced that the government would be relying on a “virtuous
cycle” that starts with private investment and is reinforced with public money.
The Adani-Modi approach as national policy.
Sometimes the cooperation has been less
about building and more about control. In 2018, Adani became the operator of
six profit-earning airports after the government changed rules restricting
ownership to companies with aviation experience. Adani has denied that the
government did him any favors. The Adani Group did not reply to requests for
comment.
The group’s big fallDuring the past week, as India watched the
corporate leader most closely associated with Modi stand on the brink of
disaster, much of its elite seemed ready to will itself into a state of
disbelief.
Near the end of the new share offering’s
three-day window, institutional investors including the State Bank of India and
the Life Insurance Corp. of India lined up behind a fund led by Abu Dhabi’s
royal family. Together with a host of unnamed Indian business families, they
proceeded to bail out the doomed sale, committing themselves to paying outdated
prices for shares that could be bought for less on the open market.
At the same time, Sitharaman, the finance
minister, was solemnly reading out the annual budget in Parliament, making no
mention of the bloodbath on India’s stock exchanges. Eventually, her silence,
like that of her boss, Modi, came to seem otherworldly. Two large investment
banks, Credit Suisse and Citigroup, said they would no longer accept securities
issued by the Adani Group as collateral against margin loans.
Finally, Adani Group pulled the plug on its
own share offering, with Adani saying it would not be “morally correct” to
fulfill the orders, given the cratering share values.
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