New monthly payments in the pandemic relief package have
the potential to lift millions of American children out of poverty. Some
scientists believe the payments could change children’s lives even more
fundamentally — via their brains.
اضافة اعلان
It is well established that growing up in poverty
correlates with disparities in educational achievement, health and employment.
But an emerging branch of neuroscience asks how poverty affects the developing
brain.
Over the past 15 years, dozens of studies have found
that children raised in meager circumstances have subtle brain differences
compared with children from families of higher means. On average, the surface
area of the brain’s outer layer of cells is smaller, especially in areas
relating to language and impulse control, as is the volume of a structure
called the hippocampus, which is responsible for learning and memory.
These differences do not reflect inherited or inborn
traits, research suggests, but rather the circumstances in which the children
grew up. Researchers have speculated that specific aspects of poverty — subpar
nutrition, elevated stress levels, low-quality education — might influence
brain and cognitive development. But almost all the work to date is
correlational. And although those factors may be at play to various degrees for
different families, poverty is their common root. A continuing study called
Baby’s First Years, started in 2018, aims to determine whether reducing poverty
can itself promote healthy brain development.
“None of us thinks income is the only answer,” said Dr. Kimberly Noble, a
neuroscientist and pediatrician at Columbia University who is co-leading the
work. “But with Baby’s First Years, we are moving past correlation to test
whether reducing poverty directly causes changes in children’s cognitive,
emotional and brain development.”
Noble and her collaborators are examining the effects of
giving poor families cash payments in amounts that wound up being comparable to
those the Biden administration will distribute as part of an expanded child tax
credit.
The researchers randomly assigned 1,000 mothers with
newborns living in poverty in New York City, New Orleans, the Twin Cities metro
region and Omaha, Nebraska, to receive a debit card every month holding either
$20 or $333 that the families could use as they wished. (The Biden plan will
provide $300 monthly per child up to age 6, and $250 for children 6-17.) The
study tracks cognitive development and brain activity in children over several
years using a noninvasive tool called mobile EEG, which measures brain wave
patterns using a wearable cap of 20 electrodes.
The study also tracks the mothers’ financial and
employment status, maternal health measures such as stress hormone levels, and
child care use. In qualitative interviews, the researchers probe how the money
affects the family, and with the mothers’ consent, they follow how they spend
it.
The study aimed to collect brain activity data from
children at age 1 and age 3 in home visits, and researchers managed to obtain
the first set of data for around two-thirds of the children before the pandemic
struck. Because home visits are still untenable, they extended the study to age
4 and will be collecting the second set of brain data next year instead of this
year.
The pandemic, as well as the two stimulus payments most
Americans received this past year, undoubtedly affected participating families
in different ways, as will this year’s stimulus checks and the new monthly
payments. But because the study is randomized, the researchers nonetheless
expect to be able to assess the impact of the cash gift, Noble said.
Baby’s First Years is seen as an audacious effort to
prove, through a randomized trial, a causal link between poverty reduction and
brain development.
“It is definitely one of the first, if not the first”
study in this developing field to have direct policy implications, said Martha
Farah, a cognitive neuroscientist at the University of Pennsylvania and
director of the Center for Neuroscience and Society who studies poverty and the
brain.
Farah concedes, however, that social scientists and
policymakers often discount the relevance of brain data.
“Are there actionable insights we get by bringing
neuroscience to bear, or are people just being snowed by pretty brain images
and impressive-sounding words from neuroscience? It’s an important question,”
she said.
Skeptics abound. James Heckman, a Nobel Prize-winning
economist at the University of Chicago who studies inequality and social
mobility, said he did not see “even a hint that a policy would come out of it,
other than to say, yes, there’s an imprint of a better economic life.”
“And it still remains a question what the actual
mechanism is” through which giving parents cash helps children’s brains, he
said, adding that targeting such a mechanism directly might be both cheaper and
more effective.
Samuel Hammond, director of poverty and welfare policy
at the Niskanen Center, who worked on a child allowance proposal by Sen. Mitt
Romney, agrees that tracking the source of any observed cognitive benefits is
tricky.
“I have trouble disentangling the interventions that
actually help the most,” he said.
For example, policy experts debate whether certain child
care programs directly benefit a child’s brain or simply free up her caregiver
to get a job and increase the family’s income, he said.
Yet that is exactly why providing disadvantaged families
with cash might be the most potent way to test the link to brain development,
Noble said.
“It’s quite possible that the particular pathways to
children’s outcomes differ across families,” she said. “So by empowering
families to use the money as they see fit, it doesn’t presuppose a particular
pathway or mechanism that leads to differences in child development.”