As the world remains focused on hostilities in Gaza,
the 28th meeting of the Conference of Parties on Climate Change –
COP28 –
is an important reminder that cooperation is the only means to mitigate
human-caused calamity.
اضافة اعلان
There is plenty of commentary surrounding the fact
that a fossil fuel producer – the United Arab Emirates – is hosting COP28 next
month. But in reality, the UAE, a capital-rich and multi-aligned middle power,
has the credentials to bridge the climate change gap between the developed and
developing world.
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries manage some
$4 trillion in assets through their sovereign
wealth funds. This capital, together with technological prowess, could be
crucial to achieving the expectations of the “
loss and damage fund,” which was established
after COP27 in Egypt to assist “developing countries that are particularly
vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change.”
So far, COP27’s ambition hasn’t borne fruit. A plan
to raise
$100 billion a year to help poor countries address climate change, funding that was
scheduled to begin flowing in 2020, has met with little success. The delay is
certain to be a point of contention between donors and potential beneficiaries
at COP28.
Even the outbreak of Syria’s civil war in 2011 was linked to a climatic disaster. The worst drought in nearly a millennium the year before devastated the livelihoods of 800,000 people and decimated the farming sector, fueling urban migration and unrest.
This year’s climate talks are more than a gathering
for environmental groups. They hold paramount importance for Middle Eastern
countries, especially oil-producing states. For these nations, the fallout from
climate change extends beyond economic considerations and energy export
potential, deeply affecting the lives and livelihoods of their citizens,
particularly in vital sectors like agriculture, water, and electricity.
Climate change is already affecting stability across the Middle East. In Libya, after a decade-long
civil war, signs of recovery – increased oil production, for instance – were
upended in September 2023 when a catastrophic cyclone submerged parts of the
country, disrupting crucial seaports and jeopardizing oil exports.
Similarly, in Iraq, government inadequacies in
responding to floods have led to substantial casualties and ignited violence.
Even the outbreak of Syria’s civil war in 2011 was
linked to a climatic disaster. The worst drought in nearly a millennium the
year before devastated the livelihoods of 800,000 people and decimated the
farming sector, fueling urban migration and unrest.
The climate crisis has now become a leading concern
in a region traditionally fraught with security challenges. The effects of
climate change ignite violence, fuel poverty and inequality, and encourage
migration, exacerbating regional instability. Food and water scarcity, high
birth rates and consumption, relocation from hot zones, and threats to an
agriculture sector employing a substantial portion of the population underscore
the monumental challenges posed by the climate crisis.
This upheaval threatens not just regional stability
but global stability as well.
Despite historical and ongoing animosities, Middle
Eastern nations must recognize and lead
efforts against the shared threat of climate change.
There is significant potential for regional cooperation in knowledge sharing,
disaster response strategies, and investment in renewable energy sources.
Cooperation on climate mitigation and adaptation could
also help reduce tensions between superpowers. In their long-anticipated
meeting in San Francisco, US President Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart,
Xi Jinping, agreed to resume a working group on climate cooperation and pledged
a major ramp-up of renewable energy.
The two sides also agreed to “accelerate renewable
energy deployment” in their economies until the end of 2030 to speed up “the
substitution for coal, oil, and gas.” They also pledged to support efforts to
“triple renewable energy capacity globally by 2030.”
The stakes at home are even higher, as cooperation on
climate change and sustainability can help fight extremism and strengthen
regional stability.
The UAE’s growing engagement in climate mitigation in Africa exemplifies this.
At the recent Africa Climate Summit, the UAE pledged
$4.5 billion to expedite clean energy projects on the continent. Given the
political upheaval and conflicts in many Muslim-majority countries in Africa,
the UAE, as a proponent of moderate Islam, could play a pivotal role as a
mediator and catalyst for change.
Despite historical and ongoing animosities, Middle Eastern nations must recognize and lead efforts against the shared threat of climate change. There is significant potential for regional cooperation in knowledge sharing, disaster response strategies, and investment in renewable energy sources.
By moving beyond mere statements to substantial
investments and project commitments, the UAE is in a strong position to prevent
potential crises and champion stability, facilitating Africa’s sustainable
growth.
With the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza still raging, the
UAE has
announced that it will establish three
desalination plants in the Gaza Strip, producing 600,000 gallons of drinking
water a day, benefiting 300,000 people. Pledges like these are a reminder that
beneath the carnage remain enduring challenges of water and food security,
concerns that only can be addressed with long-term solutions.
The upcoming COP28 conference represents an urgent
call to the international community to join forces in addressing converging
threats. We must remember that stability and peace will require regional and
trans-regional cooperation, even among foes. Our future hinges not just on the
integrity of our borders but on the health of our shared planet.
For lasting peace and security, all parties must
prioritize cooperation over conflict, move beyond ideological and political
divisions, and recognize our collective existence on an increasingly endangered
planet.
This article originally
appeared in Syndication Bureau
Gedaliah Afterman is head
of the Asia Policy Program, Abba Eban Institute for Diplomacy and Foreign
Relations, at Reichman University. X: @GAfterman
Narayanappa Janardhan is
director of research and analysis at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in
Abu Dhabi, and a nonresident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in
Washington, DC.
Mohammed Baharoon is
director-general of B’huth, the Dubai Public Policy Research Center.
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