Two
airstrikes this month targeting drug trafficking operations inside the border
region between Syria and Jordan sent a clear message that the region’s war on
drugs was entering a new phase.
اضافة اعلان
But
the reason for the timing of the strikes, who was behind them, and how
effective they were remain open questions.
The
coordinated attacks on May 8, rare for the amount of force used in an
anti-drug operation, killed the Syrian drug lord Merhi Al Ramthan, his family,
and destroyed an abandoned government building known to be a drug facility.
They
were the first publicly known strikes of their kind, shocking many in the
region.
The
strikes indicate an escalation in the fight against narcotic trafficking
networks in Syria, which have flourished during the civil war and supply much
of the region with the illegal amphetamine Captagon, a highly addictive drug
popular in Gulf countries.
Previous
strategies, little impacts
Previous
strategies to stop the drug trade focused on border patrols, but this has had
little impact due to involvement in trafficking by
the regime of Bashar Al-Assad.
This
month’s airstrikes certainly sent a loud message. Al Ranthan’s house in the
village of Al Sha’ab, southeast of Suwayda, was targeted, killing him, his
wife, and six children.
Ending the drug trade in Syria will not be easy due to the participation of the security apparatus, the Assad family, and Hezbollah, which could have a destabilizing impact on regime-held areas.
This
attack let traffickers know that hiding among civilians would not shield them.
Al
Ramthan’s high profile, he was reportedly involved in smuggling drugs to Jordan
and has been linked to the regime, sent an even clearer message: Damascus would
not be able to protect drug traffickers.
Who’s
behind the airstrikes?
The
second airstrike hit an empty desalination station in the west of Daraa, which
had been used to facilitate drug trafficking to Jordan. This attack made it
clear that all drug facilities could be targeted, including those hidden in
government buildings.
Reports
have identified Jordan as being responsible for the airstrikes. Jordan is known
as both a destination and a main transit route to Gulf countries for Captagon.
However,
Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi declined to confirm his
country had carried out the strike, stating that any measures would be
announced. Amman’s decision to deny responsibility might be a
tactic to avoid retaliation from the Bedouin community that Al Ramthan belonged
to.
Despite
that denial, Jordan does appear to be behind the strikes, given rising tensions
with the Assad regime. Notably, the airstrikes occurred just days after
Safadi threatened military action inside Syria if Damascus failed to take
measures to rein in smuggling.
If
this turns out to be the case, then the strikes could represent a clear, yet somewhat
unofficial, message that Amman is losing patience with the Syrian regime and
puts no stock in Assad’s promises to crack down on the drug trade.
Syria
back on the scene
There
is also a slight chance the airstrikes were part of increased cooperation
between Syria and Jordan as regional efforts seek to bring Syria back to the
Arab fold.
A
week before the strikes, Syria agreed to tackle drug trafficking across its borders with Jordan and Iraq
following a meeting of Arab foreign ministers in Amman. Damascus also agreed to
collaborate with Jordan and Iraq to form joint political and security teams to
identify sources of drug production, smuggling operations, and the entities
that organize and manage them across borders.
There is also a slight chance the airstrikes were part of increased cooperation between Syria and Jordan as regional efforts seek to bring Syria back to the Arab fold.
However,
even if the airstrikes were a result of such collaboration, the fact that a
foreign state carried out the attack speaks volumes about the commitment of the
Assad regime to fighting drugs.
Both
targets were in government-controlled areas, which would have made it easier to
use ground operations to eliminate the threats without as many casualties. It
seems that Damascus was not willing to do so, which might explain why the
airstrikes were carried out by another state.
Sources
on the ground said that Jordan has been successful in cracking down on drug
trafficking within the country and at the border. However, success has been
limited as smuggling groups remain active.
Airstrikes
against drug-related targets inside Syria are also unlikely to have a
significant impact. Local sources said drug dealers have gone into hiding after
the attacks, with many moving their operations to safer locations.
Reconciliation
efforts with Arab states may prompt the Assad regime to make some low-level
arrests and drug seizures, but its involvement in the narcotics trade is
expected to continue. Captagon, a lucrative part of Syria’s war chest, is
estimated to be worth $5.7 billion a year.
Even
if some countries are willing to compensate Damascus for the loss of the drug
trade, international sanctions on the regime make such an agreement difficult
to implement.
Additionally,
ending the drug trade in Syria will not be easy due to the participation of
the security apparatus, the Assad family, and Hezbollah, which could have a
destabilizing impact on regime-held areas.
Focusing
on hitting drug-related targets inside Syria is likely to create another
endless game of whack-a-mole that the regime and its allies will quickly cope
with to ensure the continuous flow of drugs.
Dr
Haid Haid is a Syrian columnist and a consulting associate fellow of
Chatham House’s Middle East, and North Africa program. Twitter: @HaidHaid22
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