Blurred lines in the age of globalized regional conflict

gaza
(Photo: Twitter/X)
Resolution efforts to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict had traditionally featured a limited number of external state actors, mainly the likes of Jordan and the United States. This is no longer the case. The current war in Gaza has reshaped the conflict into a global one, effectively inviting more actors than ever before, including global powers. اضافة اعلان

Of those, Russia and China stand out. Considering their increasing, yet careful involvement in the Palestine-Israel conflict and in the region, a scramble for support is underway. This competition takes different shapes, involving push and pull factors to compete against the United States for increased influence.

For its part, the West is attempting to hold onto its key regional partners in the Middle East and prevent Russia and China from increased infiltration in the region. The United States, for instance, is enhancing its military support and presence, and it continues to invest in political and economic development. But its recent veto to the proposed UN resolution that would have demanded an immediate ceasefire in Gaza is destabilizing its appeal among its Arab partners.

On the other side, Russia aims to dethrone the United States as the “guarantor” of international laws, relying heavily on propaganda to eclipse its own troubled track record in the Middle East. As for China, its investments in mega projects, such as the Belt and Road Initiative, is driving its increased appeal in the region, albeit debt diplomacy remains a legitimate criticism.
It would not be an overstatement to say that local and regional conflicts are now global by necessity, especially considering the breadth of strategic interests at stake.
The scramble for increased influence is not limited to the Middle East, nor is the globalization of regional conflict exclusive to the current iteration of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The events taking place in Nagorno-Karabakh, Niger, Mali, and Taiwan – to name a few, demonstrate similar patterns. It would not be an overstatement to say that local and regional conflicts are now global by necessity, especially considering the breadth of strategic interests at stake.

De-regionalization and convergence of value systems
There are some similarities between the globalization of regional conflict and Robert Gilpin’s fourth law of capitalism. As power matures, as appeal increases, and as the perceived benefits begin to decrease, global powers are compelled to compete for frontiers elsewhere in the world.

Meaning, just as the most advanced economies need more avenues to maintain healthy returns, the most influential states need more avenues to exert their influence. Thus, the West and East camps are competing for regional support, offering political, economic, and security assistance to forge their lines of influence.

Here, it is important to ask how these lines are drawn. Are they formed organically, or are there elements of forced demarcation? When considering how support is provided along with the factors contributing to its preservation, this competition appears calamitous.

One of the dangers of this competition lies in promoting perceived differences in societal value systems. This particular danger becomes more disconcerting when considering the globalization of regional conflict and the de-regionalization and convergence of value systems.

Social media platforms play a pivotal role in the convergence of values. The constant flow of information contributes to shifting attitudes, even in complex contexts, such as the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. A report by Makana 360 finds a noticeable shift in global opinion, moving from a 54.6 percent pro-Israeli sentiment in the first week of the conflict to a 67.5 percent pro-Palestinian sentiment by the end of the first month.

This shift was also quite visible among Western societies. Americans and Western Europeans demonstrated the biggest shift, with nearly 20 percent. The US alone was responsible for nearly one third of the 615 million posts throughout the first month of the conflict, taking an increasingly pro-Palestine tone as the weeks went by. It did not take long for this shift to materialize on the ground. During the conflict’s fifth week, over 1.1 million people marched in solidarity protests in major cities like Washington, London, Paris, Brussels, Berlin, and Barcelona.

Data from the World Values Survey offer further insights on the convergence of values. When exploring a set of emancipative and postmaterialist values among states allied with the West camp in comparison with others allied with the East camp, the analysis shows, on average, a mere 0.048-point differential in between these societies.
Meaning, just as the most advanced economies need more avenues to maintain healthy returns, the most influential states need more avenues to exert their influence. Thus, the West and East camps are competing for regional support, offering political, economic, and security assistance to forge their lines of influence.
The largest differential noted, however, involved religion-related values. Interestingly, such values tend to be hijacked to offset the increasing convergence and to focalize their implications on the blurred lines of support. But is religion alone sufficient to smoothly carve out lines of support? The short answer is no. It is, however, a hook that is used to acquire attention.

For instance, while Arab societies’ interest in Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Middle East policy peaked with the ongoing conflict in Gaza, according to data from Google Trends, they had generally become more interested following his response to the burning of the Quran incident in late June. In addition to videos disseminated online, billboards were seen around Beirut with pictures of him holding a Quran with a tagline that translates into “the protector and defender of religions”.

As religion-related sentiments grab attention, the provision of political, economic, and military support vindicates the hook. However, this type of support provision forges clientelist relations. Such relations are based, by and large, on the band-wagoning of state and parastate actors with the benefactors, and by extension, on acquiring societal support in a similar fashion.

But none of that is sustainable. For an approach that amplifies perceived differences in societal value systems and leverages a two-level, support-dependent, clientelist measures, what happens when values conflux and support provision decreases? The potential ramifications of these probable conditions, especially in the context of globalized conflict, are grim at best.


Mohammed Abu Dalhoum is the president of MENAACTION and a senior research analyst at NAMA Strategic Intelligence Solutions. 


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Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Jordan News' point of view.



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