Queen Elizabeth II was never a parochial
figure, solely of interest to the UK and Northern Ireland, and the 14 other
realms of which she was head of state. During her 70 years on the throne, she
met 13 US presidents, more global leaders than perhaps anyone else, and saw the
UN expand from 60 to 197 countries. And despite a recent slowing down in her
world travels, she came third in a 2021 global survey of the world’s “most
admired women”.
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But her global
legacy is complicated. For all the respect and love, even, for the queen, there
are those for whom she represents an institution and system responsible for
harm, violence and exploitation across Britain’s former empire and beyond.
With the
succession of the new king, what does this mean for the British monarchy and
its relationship with peoples and countries beyond the UK. And in particular,
what of the Commonwealth, the club of 56, mostly former members of the British
Empire?
Given the
complicated legacy of the monarchy, can it survive the death of a queen who was
perhaps respected more for her dedication and commitment than the wider
institution she headed?
Once the public
displays of mourning and respect are over, questions are likely to be raised in
the remaining non-British countries for whom the queen was head of state over
their continued relationship. As the decision of Barbados to become a republic
last year showed, there has long been a growing appetite for cutting this
formal link to the British monarchy. There is likely to be a new push by many
in countries like Australia, Jamaica (which has just announced its intention to
hold a referendum), and Grenada for becoming a republic. The succession of the
new monarch will be seized upon as an opportunity for a new start.
But if the
number of countries of which King Charles III is head of state is likely to
fall over the next few years, these formal ties were never the foundation of
the queen’s global yet quiet, mostly invisible, authority. This was founded
more on her leadership of the Commonwealth, and soft-power relationships of state
dinners, informal chats, and the power of pageantry.
While the new
king will be able to continue the latter two, having formed his own
relationships with world leaders through his long heirship, there are questions
about what his accession means for the Commonwealth.
Charles was
chosen as the next head of the Commonwealth at the 2018 heads of government
meeting. But this was always more reflective of the warm bonds of affection for
the queen within the Commonwealth than an active support for the then Prince
Charles.
For a reign that
began in the last, desperate and violent days of empire, the respect for the
queen in its former colonies has always been something of a puzzle. Some of the
most important moments of her reign occurred in sub-Saharan Africa. In 1947, in
a speech broadcast from Cape Town, she pledged a life of service to the peoples
of the empire and Commonwealth. It was in Kenya that she learned she had become
queen after the death of her father.
Charles has been vocal, long before it became subject of global concern, on environmental issues and climate change. This is an area he could use his informal power to speak to global leaders and institutions, and support those Commonwealth countries which will be impacted the most by rising temperatures, sea-levels, and extreme weather events.
She received
much credit, too, for her role in persuading British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher to drop her opposition to Commonwealth sanctions on apartheid South
Africa.
The Commonwealth
meetings allowed her to chat and get to know the leaders of 2.5 billion people.
But still, it was the person, and her evident personal commitment and love for
the Commonwealth that proved the glue for these bonds.
Charles has
visited around 45 of the 56 Commonwealth countries, and has voiced his own
commitment. But he has had — as heir rather than monarch — fewer opportunities
to prove that commitment through his own “Thatcher moment”.
While he cannot
inherit those ties of affection, nor gain decades worth of respect within a few
months, he does have an opportunity to make his own mark, and to ensure the
British monarchy continues to exercise its peculiar form of global authority.
Charles has been
vocal, long before it became subject of global concern, on environmental issues
and climate change. This is an area he could use his informal power to speak to
global leaders and institutions, and support those Commonwealth countries which
will be impacted the most by rising temperatures, sea-levels, and extreme
weather events.
He will be
constrained in his public voice, but being able to meet world leaders and
institutions gives an opportunity few others will ever have.
His desire to be
seen as a defender of the faiths, rather than the traditional defender of the
Anglican faith, may also be useful. He has shown himself interested in other
cultures and religions, supporting cross-faith dialogue and understanding.
This, too, would help build new bonds within the diversity of the Commonwealth.
And the work he has supported through his Prince’s Trust, a charity focused on
young people, would be an ideal platform for a more Commonwealth-wide focus on
global youth. With more than half the global population under the age of 30, a
champion for youth (even if that champion is in his 70s) would strengthen the
Commonwealth.
The Commonwealth
is at a tipping point: it could easily slide into irrelevance, or become a
somewhat aimless club. As king, Charles will have access to global leaders and
institutions; and a powerful, quiet influence. By serving as an ally to states
most threatened by the climate emergency in the corridors of global power, by
championing youth, and diversity, Charles has an opportunity to renew and
strengthen the bonds of the Commonwealth, and perhaps create a legacy for his
own successor to build on.
Michael Jennings is a professor in global development at SOAS
University of London, where he works on issues related to global health and the
politics and history of global development. Syndication Bureau.
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