The Levant region’s beacon of
stability is now facing the maladaptive threat of drug smuggling. The Jordanian
security forces have become quite busy with the challenge of combatting drug
cartels, with reports of foiling drug trafficking attempts now more prevalent
than ever before.
اضافة اعلان
Throughout December, Jordan’s
security forces arrested or neutralized several smugglers and seized millions
of pills, including Captagon and Methamphetamine, in heavy clashes with armed
individuals on the Jordanian-Syrian border.
A report by Alhurra highlights
that Syria was always the main source of Captagon used in the region,
especially in the Gulf, but the civil war offered Syrian cartels more space to
enhance their operations, enabling them to manufacture and export much more
than they had managed before.
A byproduct of the increased
production and export has been an exponential increase in drug-related offenses
in Jordan, including smuggling and trade. In fact, between 2011 and 2022, such
offenses increased fivefold, according to data released by the Public Security
Directorate. Between January and February of 2022 alone, Jordanian security
forces seized more Captagon pills than over the entire course of 2021.
The magnitude of this problem
is felt deeply among Jordanians. In a survey conducted by NAMA Strategic
Intelligence Solutions in November, 61 percent of Jordanians indicated that
drug use, trade, and smuggling are Jordan’s most significant social issues,
marking a 12-percentage point increase from the prior survey conducted in March
2023.
The magnitude of this problem is felt deeply among Jordanians. In a survey conducted by NAMA Strategic Intelligence Solutions in November, 61 percent of Jordanians indicated that drug use, trade, and smuggling are Jordan’s most significant social issues, marking a 12-percentage point increase from the prior survey conducted in March 2023.
The same survey also found
that over 75 percent of Jordanians believe that illegal drug trafficking is a
major issue for Jordan’s borders, and 56 percent believe Syria is the main
source. While over half of Jordanians believe the Jordanian security forces are
doing enough to prevent drugs from entering Jordan, the challenge not only
remains but has also become more threatening.
What sets the recent
trafficking incidents apart from previous operations is the volume and type of
weapons seized alongside drugs. In mid-December, Jordanian security forces
engaged for several hours with armed groups along the northern border, seizing large
amounts of automatic weapons, missiles, and ammunition, in what is now clearly
a systematic attack on the country’s national security.
The malice of Syrian Captagon
cartels is not to be taken lightly. Their attempts to smuggle heavy arms into
Jordan – especially considering the current events in the region – necessitate
an immediate change to the strategy utilized to counter the Iran-backed armed
cartels.
Granted, Jordan had advocated
for the return of Syria and Bashar Al-Assad to the League of Arab States, with
combatting drug trafficking at the helm of Jordan’s rationale. Syria did agree
to curb trafficking across its borders during a meeting held in early May,
which convened the foreign ministers of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, and
Egypt. A joint Jordanian-Syrian political security team was also formed to
combat drug trafficking.
However, Syria’s ties with
Iran and the latter’s control over the armed cartels raise questions about
Syria’s seriousness in this context. Thus, with the little political will shown
by Syria to combat its cartels internally, Jordan should place little faith and
confidence in Syria and Al-Assad to aid in combatting this threat, whether on
their shared borders or a regional level.
Iraq, on the other hand,
demonstrates more political will to combat drug trafficking, especially as over
50 percent of Iraqi youth living near its northwestern border are struggling
with Captagon addiction, according to the Iraqi Supreme Judicial Council.
However, Iraq faces its challenges in securing its borders and requires immense
support.
Coordination and collaboration
with Saudi Arabia, another country facing the challenge of Captagon
trafficking, is necessary to combat the threat of the Iran-backed drug cartels.
Jordan and Saudi Arabia seize millions of Captagon pills regularly, yet drug
trafficking attempts continue to increase in size and frequency, which is
indicative of the magnitude of the challenge the two countries face.
The exchange of experiences
and strategic intelligence collaboration is imperative for both countries to
adapt to the constantly changing nature of this challenge. Enhanced border
security is crucial and is arguably more urgently necessary than ever before.
Coordination and collaboration with Saudi Arabia, another country facing the challenge of Captagon trafficking, is necessary to combat the threat of the Iran-backed drug cartels. Jordan and Saudi Arabia seize millions of Captagon pills regularly, yet drug trafficking attempts continue to increase in size and frequency, which is indicative of the magnitude of the challenge the two countries face.
Supporting Jordan’s border
security is a necessity for regional security, especially with the heavy
presence of the Iran-backed, heavily armed, well-funded, and inherently
expansive drug cartels and armed militias in Syria and Iraq. Granted, in late
December 2022, the United States pledged up to $500 million for Jordan,
including $150 million for reimbursements for enhanced border security.
Since then, the challenge has
worsened, and the context has shifted, especially with the war in Gaza, the
operations carried out by Iran’s proxies, and Bashar Al-Assad’s lack of
political will to secure Syria’s borders against trafficking. These developments
ought to be addressed with increased financial, security, and technology
support to ensure Jordan’s capacity to counter the trafficking of drugs and
arms in the long term.
Overall, Jordan must not be
left alone in this fight. Jordan certainly fears a case of déjà vu that is
reminiscent of the unfulfilled financial promises to aid it in hosting Syrian
refugees. The Jordan Response Plan for the Syria Crisis (JRP) was constantly
underfunded, with a 70 percent deficit recorded for 2022’s budget alone.
A state that has incurred, for
ten years, more than two-thirds of the direct financial costs to host Syrian
refugees should not be expected to also incur the costs of the security
implications alone, especially when it comes to combatting the trafficking of
drugs and arms that threaten regional security, not just Jordan’s.
Mohammed
Abu Dalhoum is the president of MENAACTION and a senior research analyst at
NAMA Strategic Intelligence Solutions.
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