The approach adopted to solve the case within the Royal
family received broad support from Jordanians.
Facing a unified stand of the Hashemite Family, and the
wisdom of Prince El Hassan bin Talal, along with his firmness and prominence,
Prince Hamzah had no other choice but to comply and sign a letter of allegiance
and obedience to His Majesty King Abdullah and his Crown Prince, vowing his
commitment to the tenets of the Jordanian Constitution, which have safeguarded
Jordan for a century.
اضافة اعلان
All that took place in parallel with the detention of the
figureheads of the sedition and the commencement of an investigation, on the
backdrop of information made public regarding operational activities that went
as far as speaking of a “zero hour” and “action time”.
But here we should highlight some basic facts. First, Prince
Hamzah’s signing of an allegiance and obedience pledge is the start and not the
end. It is his responsibility to translate what he wrote in his letter into
real action, most importantly into commitment to the Constitution and its basic
rules and the Ruling Family Law of 1937.
Second is that the compliance shown by the prince does not
spare him accountability for his role in the case. The first perception was
that the figureheads of the sedition used the prince to serve their own
purposes, but the intelligence gathered over months suggests clearly that the
prince had a different role and was totally engaged in the preparations for the
zero hour.
These unquestionable facts came as a big shock to the
members of the Hashemite Family when they were briefed on them, and before that
to King Abdullah. At that moment, His Majesty recalled a long series of
incidents and events, and discussions with Prince Hamzah through which he had
hoped to bring the prince back to the family’s ranks and to respecting the
Constitution, but to no avail. The latter had drifted far away in his
illusions, so much so that he set as a condition to be appointed as the army
commander with powers to oversee the work of all security agencies, in return
for ending his anti-establishment activities. That involves blatant defiance of
a clear and explicit constitutional provision.
Pending the end of the investigation and the drafting of the
indictment list against the accused, which will include very detailed
confessions, the public opinion will realize how large and serious the case is.
Many will get answers to the question that dominated the public sphere, casting
doubt on the link between the prince and Bassem Awadallah. The latter had
previously engaged in political activity abroad to weaken Jordan’s position
when the country rejected the Deal of the Century and its catastrophic outcomes
regarding Jordanians’ interests and their state, along with the historical
rights of Palestinians to freedom, independence, and a sovereign state. The
facts to be revealed will explain how interests, ambitions, and illusions can
bring the two sides together.
Third is that the prince had prior intentions, as proved by
his keenness to tape and film everything that happened and forward it
immediately to his friend “the Saudi Dahlan,” who lived in London. When he was
visited by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Major General Youssef
Al-Huneiti, the prince did not know in advance the nature of the message
carried by the general, yet he was keen on recording the meeting from the
moment Huneiti arrived. He created a problem out of nothing when he claimed
that the general was threatening him. The man’s words carried no threat. On the
contrary, they were polite and clear, beyond ambiguity. As the meeting came to an end, the prince
made sure to send the voice recording abroad — behavior that shows no respect
on the part of the prince to his status as a Hashemite, or a former officer in
the Arab Army.
The fourth fact is that to claim the entire case is
fabricated for the sake of score-settling does not only question the ability of
our security and military agencies, but it also belittles major countries and
their leaders, who would not have launched a campaign of solidarity and support
for Jordan had they not had information verified by their security agencies
confirming the soundness of Jordan’s official position.
The fifth fact is that the crisis Jordan is undergoing has
unveiled the urgent need for a comprehensive review of policies, instruments,
and the general approach to how the country is managed. It is imperative to act
swiftly to launch broad and deep reform processes that will reinvigorate the
state, and restore prestige to its institutions and credibility to statesmen.