A part from the COVID-19 pandemic, the consequences of the Ukraine crisis, and
Brexit, which combined have had serious impacts on the British economy, there
are other deep challenges that the UK cannot but confront in the immediate
future.
اضافة اعلان
The first challenge
relates to the monarchy. Queen Elizabeth II was a symbol of solidity and
continuity in a country that has witnessed acute changes over the past seven
decades. Yet, the monarchy, too, has not been immune from change.
Many commentators
have focused on the scandals. Some have repeatedly talked about the “princess
Diana effect”, meaning the bridge she created between royalty and the middle
and lower segments of British society, and this has indeed had a major impact
on how the royal family has come to see its positioning in society.
But the change
has been much deeper. Perhaps as a result of the explosion of communication,
and the major weakening of the controlled mass media in favor of niche and
fragmented social media, royalty has come under glaring scrutiny. This exposure
has revealed what typically (a few decades ago) would have remained hidden. The
important change, however, has been that this exposure has stripped the
institution of the monarchy of the mystique that has surrounded it for
centuries.
Queen Elizabeth’s
intuitive wisdom proved extremely valuable in retaining immense respect and a
warm place in the hearts of the vast majority of Britons. Yet, herein lies the
major challenge facing the next British monarch: how to retain for the monarchy
traces of that mystique that has been gradually diluted at a time when the ways
that had built and sustained it have almost disappeared?
The second
challenge concerns another major institution, the Anglican Church. This is
arguably one of the most progressive religious institutions in the world. Its
ability to develop its theology to suit modern times, and particularly modern
Britain’s ultra-liberal values, has demonstrated creativity and flexibility.
However, this
flexibility has strongly antagonized some social groups, and though these are
demographically old and increasingly small, they are economically powerful.
More importantly, this flexibility has also diluted the church’s traditional
prime position in the Anglican world.
The church’s
evolution has secured for it a relevance to modern Britain, but relevance is
different from the church’s old position as a pillar of society. As a result,
we are seeing several British institutions gradually losing their traditional
soft power and their ability to inspire and influence. This goes to the heart
of the idea of Britishness.
The third challenge
lies in Britain’s global position. Because of its special relationship with the
US, Britain is fully aligned with the US in its unfolding strategic
confrontation with China. But whereas this alignment has been largely cost-free
over the past decade, it will now entail serious costs as both the US and China
are acting increasingly assertively vis-à-vis each other. The cost will not be
in terms of trade with China only, but also in terms of the military,
political, and economic burdens that come with challenging the Chinese dragon.
This dragon’s
memories of Britain are also particularly problematic. Whether because of trade
capitulations in the 19th century, the Opium Wars that followed, or what China
conceives to be the breaking of the “Mandate of Heaven” — China’s view of
itself as an elevated, almost celestial civilization — China sees the former
British Empire as the prime player that started what it calls its “age of
humiliation”. This might seem ancient history today, but history is key to
understanding China, and history puts Britain under the dragon’s gaze.
The fourth
challenge facing Britain stems from its socio-economic success over the past
four decades. Irrespective of different views about the policies of former
British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and the New Labor governments under
prime ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, the fact is that Britain in that
period enjoyed an upward economic trajectory.
The quality of
life across most of the UK has risen over the past 40 years. Britain has moved
from being a country suffering from repeated financial crises, which in the
1970s once led it to resort to the International Monetary Fund, to being one of
the most powerful, successful, and competitive economies in the world.
… distrust, combined with a sense of skepticism and self-doubt, is increasingly discernible in Britain and within the institutions that have for centuries formed the backbone of British power.
Importantly, the
British economy competes at the forefront of the industries that are shaping
the future, such as bio-engineering, advanced physics, and artificial
intelligence.
Britain has also
successfully leveraged the preeminence of the English language globally and a
highly dynamic creative sector, particularly in England, to grab a share of the
international information and entertainment market that is disproportionate to
the size of the British economy.
Yet, that success
has also generated a corresponding set of problems. We are increasingly seeing
decadence in certain parts of Britain accompanied by rising dependency on the
state in many other parts. There are shocking levels of underdevelopment in
some regions, which relate to major inequalities between the southeast and
pockets of wealth in the midlands versus the rest of the country. These major
differences and inequalities contribute to an increasingly notable sense of
distrust in Britain that goes beyond a select group of politicians.
This leads us to
the fifth challenge facing Britain today. For over four centuries and since the
reign of Queen Elizabeth I in the 16th century, Britain has always operated in
the world from a standpoint of extreme confidence, almost having a conviction
that Britain will always ultimately prevail.
The traditional
subtlety of the English upper classes and the Victorian mannerisms that go with
it have usually veiled this deep-seated conviction. But observers of Britain,
and particularly of England, know that this belief in British values, institutions,
system of government, quality of governance, and way of living have, over the
centuries, endowed Britain with the ability to take on mighty challenges and
pursue grand objectives.
The challenge is
that all of these factors have been dealt repeated blows over the past two
decades. Britain-watchers now look with bewilderment at several elements of
British politics. Yet, the key point here is not what outsiders think. It is
that distrust, combined with a sense of skepticism and self-doubt, is increasingly
discernible in Britain and within the institutions that have for centuries
formed the backbone of British power.
Self-doubt is the
last thing Britain needs after it decided to leave the EU. Internally,
self-doubt could also encourage voices in Scotland and Northern Ireland that
are raising questions about the rationale of their existence within the
UK.
History teaches
that no one should underestimate Britain. After all, Britain has not been
militarily defeated over the past 1,000 years. It is the inheritor of arguably
the most remarkable empire in human history. The British civil service is
amongst the very best in the world. And deep within the British psyche there
are rich wells of creativity.
However, lovers
of Britain ought to highlight the serious challenges that the country must
confront, such that the future becomes just as worthy of celebration as the
past.
Tarek Osman is the author of Islamism: A History of
Political Islam (2017) and Egypt on the Brink (2010). A version of this article
appeared in print May edition of Al-Ahram Weekly.
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