As soon as I landed
in Rome, I discovered that I was no longer able to access any Russian media
whatsoever. Unfortunately, threats by European Commission President Ursula von
der Leyen that Europe should sever all links with “Russia’s propaganda machine”
were taken seriously by the Italian government.
اضافة اعلان
As a journalist, having access to only one side of
the Russia-Ukraine war story was a major predicament. How is one to develop a
rounded view of such a complex issue when only a one-sided narrative of the war
is allowed to be propagated?
Of course, the problem is widespread, and has
afflicted much of “democratic” Europe. The continent that has often justified
its political and military interventions in the affairs of other parts of the
world in the name of spreading democracy is failing to adhere to the most basic
principle of democracy: freedom of speech.
The discovery made me recall recent comments by
prominent American intellectual Noam Chomsky, who told me in an interview that
“this is a level of hysteria I have never seen even during the Second World
War”.
Italy’s position, however, is particularly unique.
Fascism first emerged here in 1921. A sinister alliance between Fascist and
Nazi forces in 1936 forced Italy into an existential fight, leading to a costly
civil war. Alas, in some ways, Italy has not yet fully resolved its ideological
dilemma despite the official defeat of the Fascists in 1945, and the subsequent
execution of Benito Mussolini.
There is much evidence that suggests that old-school
fascism in Italy was never fully eradicated: see the inception of Lega party in
northern Italy in the 1980s and its quick rise to the centers of power in Rome,
coupled with the return to corporatism, the ideological precursor to fascism,
under Silvio Berlusconi’s government in 1994, and much more.
While hiking on a mountain in the Lazio region, I
stumbled upon a village where large posters of young Mussolini were being sold
to tourists. Shockingly, at least at first, I realized that in some parts of
Italy, the legacy of fascism continues to register as an emotionally loaded
subject. Indeed, for some, it was the golden era of modern Italy.
Therefore, witnessing the censorship underway in
Italy and other European countries is most alarming. Though mainstream Italian
politicians refuse to recognize that the government in Rome is adopting many of
the fascist traits that defined the country a century ago, evidence suggests
otherwise.
Like any other ideology, fascism is constantly
redefined and reinterpreted. But core elements of fascist tendencies — the
growing influence of corporations and oligarchs, media censorship, cracking
down on dissent, and the over-emphasis on militarism and nationalist symbols —
remain unchanged.
Italy’s return to
corporatism is not entirely unique, considering the political structural
changes under way in other “liberal” Western societies. The uniqueness of the
Italian model, however, cannot be delinked from the country’s own historical
conflicts and current political dynamics.
While politicians are often ready to exploit any event to rise or remain in power, Europe must tread carefully by reflecting on its past, namely the fact that extreme nationalism and populism are likely to lead to something truly sinister and potentially destructive
Considering the role of socialist forces in Italy in
defeating fascism in the first half of the 20th Century, one may be surprised
to learn that socialist political currents are least relevant in Italian
politics, especially if we consider the degree of class inequality and poverty
in much of the country. Italy’s sindacati confederali (trade unions
confederation), which is, at least in theory, meant to wage a class struggle
for equal rights, has itself embraced the existing corporate model, thus
becoming, in the words of former Italian politician Gianfranco Borghini, the
“weak link of the economic system”.
Those who dare operate outside the space allocated
to the sindacati confederali, thus engaging in their own version of class
struggle, are exposed to the danger of government retaliation. On July 19, for
example, national leaders of the SI COBAS union, Mohammed Arafat, Carlo
Pallavicini, and Bruno Scagnelli, were arrested and charged with “conspiracy to
commit private violence, resistance to public official, sabotage, and interruption
of public service”.
Rome’s politicians do not hesitate to betray the
spirit of Italy’s anti-fascist constitution — one of the most progressive
anywhere in the world — which plainly states that “Italy rejects war”. Hundreds
of millions of dollars have been sent or pledged by Rome in support of Ukraine
in its war with Russia.
Italian politicians, now ready for yet another
general election scheduled for September 25, are heavily invested in
anti-Russian war rhetoric, thus keen on presenting themselves as the saviors of
Italy. Desperate for votes, Italy’s current Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio has
recently denounced an alleged attempt from Moscow to interfere in Italian
elections. He accused his rivals of being silent on the supposed Russian meddling,
a language that is reminiscent of years of haggling among US politicians.
Italy is not the exception. Other European countries
are following suit in terms of nationalist rhetoric and growing militarism,
with Germany, in particular, set to have the largest European military.
All of this is feeding into pre-existing populist
and racist phenomena, which, prior to the war, were dedicated largely to the
targeting of refugees and immigrants.
While politicians are often ready to exploit any
event to rise or remain in power, Europe must tread carefully by reflecting on
its past, namely the fact that extreme nationalism and populism are likely to
lead to something truly sinister and potentially destructive. In many ways,
World War II was an outcome of a similar reality.
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the editor of The
Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited
with Ilan Pappé, is ‘Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and
Intellectuals Speak out’. His other books include ‘My Father was a Freedom
Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow
at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA).
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