On July 18, an assassination in Syria’s southwest Daraa
province claimed the life of a Syrian regime forces member. Unlike the
politically motivated incidents that plague the region, this attack stands out
because the victim was primarily known for his involvement in
drug trafficking and distribution.
اضافة اعلان
Two similar attacks last month suggest that the killing
wasn’t an isolated event. Indeed, there has been a surge in drug-related
assassinations since the beginning of the year, introducing a new dimension to
the ongoing violence in the province.
Silence from the involved parties complicates matters,
making it difficult to determine responsibility. Conversations with local
sources reveal a growing determination within the community – rather than the
regime – to challenge the drug trade. And yet, these targeted killings alone
won’t be sufficient to eradicate the
drug-related activities that saturate
Syria’s south.
22 assassination
attempts
Daraa has seen a staggering 22 assassination attempts since
the start of the year, according to local media reports. The first killing was
in February, followed by two similar shootings in March. April marked a dark
turn, with nine targeted attacks. Except for the recent strikes, the distribution
of the remaining killings remains unclear.
The attacks vary in method, ranging from targeting dealers
on the move to forcefully entering residences and shooting at close range.
The assassinations haven’t only targeted civilians involved
in the
drug trade but also pro-regime militia members engaged in illicit
activities. In interviews, local sources told me that targets have included
fighters affiliated with various state military bodies and security agencies,
including military, air, and state intelligence, and the Fourth Armored
Division, which is led by Maher Al Assad, the president's brother. Fayez Al
Radi, a militia commander associated with military intelligence and actively
involved in drug trafficking, is among the most prominent figures to have been
killed.
At the height of the civil war, Syria became the world’s biggest producer of the amphetamine Captagon, bringing in billions of dollars in revenue. The pills flooded into countries like Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and these states now want to see the flow of drugs snuffed out at source.
In at least one incident, a drug-related facility linked to
Iran-backed militias was hit. Reportedly used for manufacturing and
coordinating
drug smuggling operations to Jordan and the Gulf, the site near
Zizon village was struck with three RPG shells earlier this year.
Public anger
Local sources link these assassinations to growing public
frustration with the drug trade. Residents are increasingly concerned about the
safety of their families, fearing the high level of criminal activities and
violence driven by addiction. Stories of easily accessible drugs, on the
streets and even in schools, are frequently cited.
Public anger is further fueled by the lack of official
efforts to end the illicit activity. Despite many promises, the regime hasn’t
taken significant action to curb the
spread of drugs, and prominent drug
networks even enjoy protection from the regime’s security and military bodies.
This cooperation, driven by financial and political motivation, remains intact
despite neighboring Arab states making a crack down on the drug trade a key
condition of recent efforts to restore relations with Bashar Al Assad’s regime.
At the height of the civil war, Syria became the world’s
biggest producer of the amphetamine Captagon, bringing in billions of dollars
in revenue. The pills flooded into countries like Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and
these states now want to see the flow of drugs snuffed out at source. Daraa
province, with its long border with Jordan, is a hotbed for Captagon production
and smuggling.
Lack of action
Local Syrian power brokers, criticized for not doing enough
to stop drug dealers from plying their wares, began acting this spring.
Notably, the Eighth Brigade, composed primarily of former opposition fighters
now operating under the regime's umbrella, launched an anti-drug campaign in
Daraa’s eastern region in March.
But the crackdown quickly lost momentum. Some speculate
pressure from the regime forced the Eighth Brigade to holster its weapons.
Others, citing the lack of action against prominent
drug dealers like Imad
Zuraiq, a militia leader affiliated with military intelligence, viewed the
campaign as a poorly disguised pretext to settle scores with leaders or militia
groups.
The authorities’ apparent tolerance of the drug trade has
prompted locals to take matters into their own hands. Many in Daraa have access
to arms and the skills to use them, especially those who were involved in
military activities in the past.
The power and profit afforded by Daraa’s drug trade have made dealers seemingly impervious to danger.
Yet, while the theory of locals taking the initiative makes
sense for some of the killings, it doesn’t explain all of them.
Rival drug dealers, particularly those who previously
clashed over influence or territory, might be involved. Former opposition armed
groups currently affiliated with the regime could also be behind the killings.
Hit-and-run operations, rather than direct confrontation, would be one way to
address local concerns without alienating the regime.
Finally, the involvement of ISIS and, to a lesser extent,
Hayat Tahrir Al Sham affiliates, cannot be ruled out.
The power and profit afforded by Daraa’s drug trade have
made dealers seemingly impervious to danger. Armed and confident, they continue
their illicit trade, unfazed by the risks involved. While the recent
assassinations may look like extrajudicial attempts to eradicate a societal
scourge, the reality is more complicated and only adds another layer of
instability in an already violent region.
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