Less
than a year after Israel and Hamas went to war over Jewish settlers’ attempts
to evict Palestinian residents of Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, the East
Jerusalem district is once more the epicenter of clashes that could lead to
another bloody confrontation.
اضافة اعلان
A Palestinian man holds a Palestinian flag confronting Israeli settlers with an Israeli flag while an activist dressed as a clown stands in between, in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah on February 13, 2022. (Photo: AFP)
The
May 2021 showdown dealt a heavy blow to Gaza civilians, but it also uncovered
deep fissures within the Israeli society, as Arabs and Jews clashed not in the
occupied territories but in cities and communities inside the so-called Green
Line, i.e., Israel proper. Hamas, on the other hand, cemented its popularity in
the West Bank while proving to Israel that it has the capabilities to launch
missiles against Tel Aviv and other cities.
Jewish
settler terrorism against Palestinians has been rising in recent years,
especially since the openly racist Itamar Ben-Gvir, head of the Otzmah
Yehudit party, was elected to Knesset last year. His party is directly linked
to Kach, the party formed by the Jewish terrorist Meir Kahane. Now Ben-Gvir is
at the center of the recent crisis that erupted in Sheikh Jarrah.
Last
Sunday, Ben-Gvir set up a makeshift “office” on an empty plot of land next to
Palestinian residents of Sheikh Jarrah. He had vowed to clear the neighborhood
of Palestinian “terrorists”, saying that Jews are the true landlords of the
disputed neighborhood.
Why
is it disputed? Because two Jewish settler groups had filed court cases
alleging that many of the plots of land and houses in the neighborhood had been
owned by Jews before 1948. They claim that after the 1948 war, when East
Jerusalem was saved from Israeli occupation by Jordan, the land and buildings
were given to Palestinians who were displaced from a Jerusalem neighborhood that
was captured by Israel.
Under
Israeli discriminatory laws, Jews can claim ownership to property in East
Jerusalem and the West Bank, while Palestinian refugees from the 1948 war do
not have the right to claim lost property in Israel. As a result of last May’s
confrontation and the international outcry against evictions, Israeli courts
suspended motions to carry out evictions for some time. But in January, it did
approve the eviction of the Salhiya family, whose house was immediately
demolished. Once more there was an international backlash, with the European
Union and UK warning that evictions in occupied territory were illegal under
international law. Israel, as usual, ignored the denunciations.
Since
East Jerusalem was annexed by Israel, a number of illegal settlements were
built to separate the city from the West Bank. Also, a number of Jewish
neighborhoods were built on expropriated lands to surround and cut off
Palestinian neighborhoods from the Old City.
The reality is that the Israel’s right wing will increase its political representation with each election cycle and with that, it will push to provoke more encounters with the Palestinians, in Jerusalem and in the West Bank.
While
Jerusalem’s Arab residents carry the Israeli ID card, they do not have equal
rights with Jews. They are rarely given building licenses, and when they do
build without permission, the authorities move quickly to demolish the new
structures — at the owners’ expense.
Going
to court almost never works for Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem who
number more than 300,000. The laws are applied to achieve one main goal: to
clear East Jerusalem of its Arab population, a straightforward war crime.
Like
Sheikh Jarrah, other East Jerusalem neighborhoods are in peril, like the Silwan
district that is home to more than 35,000 Palestinians. Its proximity to the
Old City and the Aqsa Mosque makes it a major target for Jewish settlers. The
Israeli authorities want to raze the entire area and turn it into a biblical
park.
Under
former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Far Right politicians and extremist
settlers were allowed to implement their goal of clearing Jerusalem of its Arab
population. Not only that, but in recent years, and even under the current
government, right-wing politicians and their followers were allowed to breach
Al-Aqsa Mosque on almost daily basis, provoking worshipers and leading to
frequent clashes.
After
Sunday’s clashes between Ben-Gvir’s followers and residents of Sheikh Jarrah,
the racist MP vowed to return to the area and set up his so-called office once
more. That he did on Monday, and tension rose to new heights. Hamas said it was
watching the situation while Prime Minister Naftali Bennett accused Ben-Gvir of
seeking to score political points by inflaming the situation.
The
reality is that the Israel’s right wing will increase its political
representation with each election cycle and with that, it will push to provoke
more encounters with the Palestinians, in Jerusalem and in the West Bank.
Since
1967, Jewish settler population in East Jerusalem has grown from zero to over
200,000. The piecemeal Jewish expansion in East Jerusalem will increase in the
coming years and one major provocation will lead to a new cycle of violence.
Since
the Palestinian Authority can do nothing to protect Arab residents of East
Jerusalem, just as much as it had failed to stop settlement building in the
West Bank, it is the international community – and Israel’s new found Arab
friends – that are expected to put meaningful pressure to halt evictions and
settlement building. If not for the sake of Palestinians, then for the sake of
Israel, since the current path will lead to a repeat of last May’s social
strife within Israel itself that could push toward the unraveling of the state.
The
writer is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman.
Read more Opinion and Analysis