This essay was published first by New Lines Magazine on November 13, 2023.اضافة اعلان
To be
Palestinian right now feels as if the whole world is observing your naked body,
which has been bruised and mutilated for more than 75 years. Everything is out
in the open. “How much can it handle?” the torturer asks. “What if we trap it?
What if we poke it here? Or maybe from here? How much longer until something
bursts? Could it survive without food or water? Surely something’s got to
burst. Ah, this side over here seems to be getting aggravated — will this be
the part of the body that bursts?” And then, when something does inevitably
burst, there is one question that everyone seems to ask, which I’ve come to
realize is nothing but rhetorical: “Why did it burst?”
To be American
is to know, or finally realize, that you have been not only complicit but also
a catalyst in this body’s torture for decades. And to be a Palestinian American
feels as though you are yelling, between the stabs and punches, at those who
are standing by: “Do you see this? Is anyone going to do anything? Do I deserve
this?” While through it all, you know that you are inadvertently funding your
own torture.
Gaza has been
under attack for more than 30 days, and there is no end in sight to what can
only be called a genocide — an extermination, unfolding before our eyes in real
time on TV and on social media. Entire regions of the city have been flattened
to rubble as the West continues to unapologetically support Israel’s genocidal
intent under the guise of “self-defense,” branding it a war between two equal
entities rather than what it is: a war waged on a strip of land that Israel has
occupied for decades, and which is filled to the brim with civilians, many of
them displaced from elsewhere in historic Palestine.
There is no way
for those in the diaspora to separate themselves from the Palestinians in Gaza,
any more than it would be possible to separate the parts of a single living
body. Those 2 million people under siege could be any of us, were it not for
our ancestors being expelled or displaced somewhere else. I see my childhood
self in every little girl who weeps for her mom to come back to life, and in
the remnants of a dead child’s burned face.
It was only a
few weeks ago that I was in my home in Ramallah, West Bank; I returned to the
United States just days before the war started on Oct. 7. I wish I could say I
had a premonition that the inevitable burst was going to happen when it did,
and at such a scale: that Hamas would breach Israel’s security, previously
assumed impenetrable, killing 1,200 Israeli civilians, military officials and
soldiers, and taking 240 people hostage in an ambush that no one could have
thought possible; that Israel would respond with the indiscriminate bombardment
of the already besieged and impoverished Gaza Strip, killing more than 11,000
people, including upward of 4,500 children and babies — and counting. Few could
have imagined that more than 170 people were going to be shot by either the
Israeli army or settlers in the West Bank (which was already experiencing its
deadliest year since the Second Intifada), that more than 2,000 were going to
be abducted, or that dozens of Palestinians, who hold citizenship in the so-called
only democracy in the Middle East, were going to be arrested for allegedly
“condoning terrorism” on social media. But the days before, for me, gave no
such indication. It was the same old, same old.
Palestinian cousins and friends, who travelled from the West Bank, looking over the city of Haifa from the Bahai Gardens. (Maysa Mustafa)
When you visit
your homeland, you must subconsciously relinquish every basic right that is
inalienable for you as an unoccupied American so that you can endure the
occupation as a Palestinian. And you try, for the time being, to forget that
you are your own occupier.
Every
checkpoint you pass, every Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldier who is stationed
there (most of whom are close in age to me) and every machine gun that they
point can be traced right back to you. And in order to enjoy the simple right
of being where your parents, your grandparents, your great-grandparents and
their parents lived, you must accept the potential violence — whether from the
military or armed settlers — that may be waiting for you at every turn.
When you spend
time under occupation, your standards must recalibrate. With every humiliating
experience, your threshold for tolerating discrimination gets higher. The
struggles of the occupation seep into your daily life, creating a new normal
that makes you forget that such a dehumanized existence would be impossible to
accept in your other home. But despite your ability to function in your
occupied parallel reality, your subconscious is still absorbing every act of
injustice you face or witness — inching you closer and closer to your own
imminent burst.
The longer
you’re in Palestine, the easier it is to ignore the pungent smell of feces
every time you drive down the street known as “Oyoun al-Haramiya” (Eyes of the
Thief), where Israeli settlers are known to dump their sewage. You start to
learn which checkpoints close earlier or later so your 30-minute commute
doesn’t turn into three hours waiting in the long lines for “security checks.”
You start memorizing the corrections that Google Maps or Waze make when
navigating because these apps don’t account for the differences between the
Jewish-Arab segregated roads and could take you through armed Israeli
settlements that bar entry for Palestinians and, in fact, pose a threat to your
life if you are Palestinian. When the IDF conducts its weekly military raids in
the northern West Bank villages of Nablus or Jenin and kills a young person,
and this dead youth becomes a “shaheed” (martyr), you know that all shops in
the city will be closed until the evening. With all these protocols in mind,
your routine when leaving the house becomes muscle memory — phone, keys and
your designated green-colored “haweeya” ID card, which marks you as Palestinian
and therefore determines where you can drive, walk, sit, eat, drink, patronize
and live.
My aunt harvesting olives in our West Bank village, Mazraa al-Sharqiya. (Zizi Shalabi)
And when you
leave that dehumanizing experience, supported by the U.S., and return to
America, there is always a transition period for a Palestinian American to
revert to their unoccupied self: a time needed to detach yourself from a deep
sense that you are inferior, second-class and a “security threat” in your own
land. With each passing moment on your 12-hour flight back to the U.S., it’s
like you time travel from the Jim Crow era to present-day America. You slip on
the armor that you had to take off the second you got to Palestine, where your
U.S. citizenship and all the protection it affords you in the world is stripped
of its power, and your Palestinian-ness overrides any human rights and civil
liberties you have elsewhere. Whether it’s Shireen Abu Akleh, a Palestinian American who
was assassinated in 2022, or Omar Assad, an 80-year-old Palestinian American
who was killed at a checkpoint this summer — we know that our U.S. passports
don’t protect us from the Israeli regime, and they will not ensure us justice
when we are killed.
The second you
land, you notice that the anxiety over whether you can be let into your own
home has disappeared. The thought of being detained for no reason now seems
impossible to comprehend — despite it being a distinct possibility only 12
hours earlier. You don’t have to expend energy analyzing the mood of each
border patrol officer to try to get into the right line. Rather than feeling
like you’ve snuck into your own homeland, you may even hear a “Welcome home.”
But this time
is different. Because of the timing of my trip, I have not been able to shed my
feelings of inferiority. As I sit here in my Brooklyn apartment, these feelings
have only grown. And I have never felt as subhuman as I do right now.
For the past
month, I and every other Palestinian — Christian and Muslim — have been
internalizing everything that is being said and done. And it has not been
without consequence. As I hear the Western public worry about their safety and
lock themselves inside their homes, I have come to feel as though I — a
5-foot-2 Palestinian woman — am the one causing fear. Seeing Palestinians and
their allies as perpetrators has become so normalized that Republican
representatives like Ryan Zinke have even proposed to expel all Palestinians
from the U.S. (though it’s not clear where one would send “stateless people”)
and ban them from entering, while simultaneously supporting the bombing of what
remains of the home we do have, using American-made and American-financed
lethal force.
The politicians
and mainstream media may be saying “they,” but all I can hear is “I.” I am a
“child of darkness.” I am a human animal. I am a barbarian. I am a savage. I’m
both a terrorist and a human shield. I don’t exist. I am nothing but a bag of
limbs being carried by my father. I am a security threat. I am a price that
must be paid. I am the inevitable, the expected and accepted collateral damage.
And rather than
being met with the empathy of world leaders, we are instead vilified and
blamed. The West’s Holocaust guilt, something that has nothing to do with me or
my ancestors (despite Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s cynical attempt to
exonerate Hitler and blame the Holocaust on Muslims), has been projected onto
the Palestinians since 1948, crippling us as we carry the burden of sins that
were never ours. So Israel’s occupation is our fault. The endless siege on Gaza
is our fault. And the fact that there is any form of resistance to the knee
that has been on our necks for decades is our fault.
As we are
perpetually gaslit about our entire existence, I can’t help but ask: At what
point in history has there ever been an obedient occupied people? How would
they, the leaders of the free world, prefer for Palestinians to resist the
occupation? Or will they ever be honest enough to tell us that we are doomed to
either be occupied or expelled from our homeland for all eternity? That — if
you allow me to say the parts that go unsaid — since we “look Arab” and speak
Arabic, why don’t we just pack up and move to some Arab country, any Arab
country, settle there and get on with our lives, and never speak of Palestine
again?
It has been
said multiple times by Israeli officials and mainstream media alike that the
Hamas attack was Israel’s 9/11. I think Muslims and Arabs around the world
would agree that there are clear similarities to 9/11 — not only because of the
immense loss of life, but also because of the almost identical reaction the
West had in 2001. Collective punishment for the Oct. 7 attack is undoubtedly
happening now to the Palestinians in Gaza, who have either been killed directly
by the record-breaking number of Israeli airstrikes or are teetering on the
brink of survival while stuck under the rubble — with no food, water,
electricity or telecommunications. It is also, albeit on a much smaller scale,
being meted out to the Palestinian diaspora, pro-Palestinian supporters, Arabs
and Muslims internationally. Whether it is a journalist who has lost their job
or a student whose face is being plastered around their campus, accused of
being an antisemite after calling for a cease-fire — we are all suffering
punishment for actions that were not our own, in much the same way that all
Muslims in the West were collectively punished post-9/11.
The Palestinian
diaspora in the West is in its own remote Gaza, where screams can be heard over
the walls, but there is no response and no support to be found. You can even
hear the cheers in the background, the same ones that can be heard from nearby
illegal Israeli settlements as they watch the white phosphorus bombs — whose
use on heavily populated civilian areas like Gaza is prohibited by
international law — rain down on the strip. Over the decades, with every stance
we have taken to assert our existence and resistance, we have been met with
either deafening silence or vitriol — and I still don’t know which is worse.
There is a word
in Arabic that comes close to capturing the sense of devastation of which I
speak — one that many Arabs and Palestinians have been saying epitomizes their
state of being in this moment. It begins with the letter qaf — a hard “K,”
which is pronounced deep in the throat. The second letter is hah — a simple
“H,” a sound we make in our chest, near the heart. When you say this word, your
breath moves from your throat to the heart. Qahr. It has no equivalent in
English, but it means something like a profound sense of heartache, like the
grief of a parent for their lost child, the grief of a people for their lost
homeland. Yet I cannot help but think that, amid the rubble and the enduring
stench of death, a ray of light inevitably breaks through the cracks. And so,
hope must endure.
The late
revolutionary Palestinian poet, Mahmoud Darwish, encapsulates the intense qahr
that Palestinians in Gaza have been living with for decades in his poem,
“Silence for Gaza”:
What is
beautiful about Gaza is that our voices do not reach it. Nothing distracts it;
nothing takes its fist away from the enemy’s face. Not the forms of the
Palestinian state we will establish whether on the eastern side of the moon, or
the western side of Mars when it is explored. Gaza is devoted to rejection …
hunger and rejection, thirst and rejection, displacement and rejection, torture
and rejection, siege and rejection, death and rejection. Enemies might triumph
over Gaza (the storming sea might triumph over an island … they might chop down
all its trees).
They might
break its bones.
They might
implant tanks on the insides of its children and women. They might throw it
into the sea, sand, or blood.
But it will not
repeat lies and say “Yes” to invaders.
It will
continue to explode.
It is neither
death, nor suicide. It is Gaza’s way of declaring that it deserves to live.
It will
continue to explode.
It is neither
death, nor suicide. It is Gaza’s way of declaring that it deserves to live.
The ray of hope
is that the diaspora’s personal campaigning and the humiliation of having to
insist that the Palestinian people do indeed exist, have always existed and
deserve to continue to exist are starting to come to fruition, resulting in
what seems to be the largest international anti-war movement since the 2003
invasion of Iraq. For the past month, main thoroughfares in every major city
around the globe have been shut down by a sea of Palestinian flags, despite the
political push to turn the colors that symbolize a dispossessed nation into
some institutionally recognized “antisemitic” emblem. The flags of other people
and nations that have also been colonized, ethnically cleansed and uprooted
from their homes continue to intertwine with the Palestinian flag. Native
Americans in Philadelphia have performed their rain dances and the Māori people
in New Zealand have performed the haka in a display of solidarity with
Palestinians, just as Jewish people sang echoing hymns in Grand Central Station
in New York City amid their chanting of “Not in our name.” Celtic football fans
in Scotland flooded a stadium with Palestinian flags, even after they were
explicitly ordered not to. From D.C. to Jakarta, a record-breaking number of
protesters have been gathering together and calling for a cease-fire.
Yet despite all
this grassroots international support, it seems that we have no choice but to
watch as Western leaders continue with their own agendas. And those who have
just tuned in must grapple with confusion, wondering to themselves: How is this
still happening? How is all this carnage not enough? This, in and of itself,
reveals much about where the Palestinian movement has been since the 1960s;
that is, stuck, with no amount of international pressure able to shift it. And
as the leaders claim that this conflict is “too complicated” to understand and
resolve, as they hide behind the simplistic and convenient myth that Jews and
Arabs “have been fighting for thousands of years,” I beg them to mirror the
courage of so many young Americans — Jewish, Black, Brown, white or Asian — who
have the insight and moral integrity to acknowledge the grotesqueness of
muzzling the rights of one population for the perceived comfort and security of
another. No amount of debate, tongue-twisting or war of narratives over a one-state
or two-state solution can resolve anything without acknowledging the trauma
that Palestinians have continued to endure, just as no amount of military
hardware and might will make a country secure without truth, reconciliation and
justice.
Even while
knowing that today’s world leaders, especially the U.S., may never express this
sentiment, Palestinians persist. We endure. We continue. We organize and hope
and look to exhaust any opportunity that we can take to bring us one step
closer to the status that should be bestowed upon every human: to live freely
and in dignity. Indeed, the more we are dislocated from one another, the more
we are so cruelly and callously killed, the more we are dispossessed of our
homes, olive trees, beaches and history, the stronger our vision of a free
Palestine. The more we lose, the more we resist. Hamas could be eradicated
tomorrow, but our resistance to the occupation will remain and grow.
Top: Young boys protesting in the streets of Mazra’a al-Sharqiya during the First Intifada. (Photographer unknown; relatives are in the photo.) Bottom: Young boys in the Gaza Strip holding up peace signs. (Mustafa Musallam / Instagram)
Perhaps to some
it sounds insane to keep banging on a locked door that has never once opened
and expect that one day it will; to recount to indifferent leaders our
grandparents’ stories from the Nakba, our parents’ stories of walking through
tear gas to get to school during the First Intifada, and the persistent
struggles that our families still endure daily in what’s left of Palestine; to
continually carry the burden of proof and feel the need to inform, to teach and
to correct the record with facts and figures that we have come to memorize by
heart since we were 10 years old, from the writings of Zionist founder Theodor
Herzl to the Balfour Declaration, the Oslo Accords and the sometimes
gut-wrenching statements of indifference spoken by our own elected politicians
in the West. But with all this generational trauma, hope, too, is inherited,
rooted in an endless quest to cure the homesickness that has fixed itself in
our psyche and DNA, like the “hereditary illness” eulogized by Darwish in his
poem, “And We Have a Land”:
And we still
love you, our love is a hereditary illness. A land … when it banishes us to the
unknown … it grows.
Maysa Mustafa is Audience Editor at New Lines magazine. She is a Palestinian-American journalist from Dallas, Texas. Now, she is based in New York City where she recently earned a master’s degree from the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. She also holds a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Texas at Austin.
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