America’s democratic experiment may well be nearing its end.
That’s not hyperbole; it’s obvious to anyone following the political scene.
Republicans might take power legitimately; they might win through pervasive
voter suppression; GOP legislators might simply refuse to certify Democratic
electoral votes and declare Donald Trump or his political heir the winner.
However it plays out, the GOP will try to ensure a permanent lock on power and
do all it can to suppress dissent.
اضافة اعلان
But how did we get here? We read every day about the rage of
the Republican base, which overwhelmingly believes, based on nothing, that the
2020 election was stolen, and extremists in Congress, who insist that being required
to wear a face mask is the equivalent of the Holocaust.
I’d argue, however, that focusing on the insanity can hinder
our understanding of how all of this became possible. Conspiracy theorizing is
hardly a new thing in our national life; Richard Hofstadter wrote “The Paranoid
Style in American Politics” back in 1964. White rage has been a powerful force
at least since the civil rights movement.
What’s different this time is the acquiescence of Republican
elites. The “Big Lie” about the election didn’t well up from the grassroots —
it was promoted from above, initially by Trump himself, but what’s crucial is
that almost no prominent Republican politicians have been willing to contradict
his claims and many have rushed to back them up.
Or to put it another way, the fundamental problem lies less
with the crazies than with the careerists; not with the madness of Marjorie
Taylor Greene, but with the spinelessness of Kevin McCarthy.
And this spinelessness has deep institutional roots.
Political scientists have long noted that our two major
political parties are very different in their underlying structures. The
Democrats are a coalition of interest groups — labor unions, environmentalists,
LGBTQ activists, and more. The Republican Party is the vehicle of a cohesive,
monolithic movement. This is often described as an ideological movement,
although given the twists and turns of recent years — the sudden embrace of
protectionism, the attacks on “woke” corporations — the ideology of movement
conservatism seems less obvious than its will to power.
In any case, for a long time conservative cohesiveness made
life relatively easy for Republican politicians and officials. Professional
Democrats had to negotiate their way among sometimes competing demands from
various constituencies. All Republicans had to do was follow the party line.
Loyalty would be rewarded with safe seats, and should a Republican in good
standing somehow happen to lose an election, support from billionaires meant
that there was a safety net — “wing nut welfare” — in the form of chairs at
lavishly funded right-wing think tanks, gigs at Fox News, and so on.
Of course, the easy life of a professional Republican wasn’t
appealing to everyone. The GOP has long been an uncomfortable place for people
with genuine policy expertise and real external reputations, who might find
themselves expected to endorse claims they knew to be false.
The field I know best, economics, contains (or used to
contain) quite a few Republicans with solid academic reputations. Like just
about every academic discipline, the field leans Democratic, but much less so
than other social sciences and even the hard sciences. But the GOP has
consistently preferred to get its advice from politically reliable cranks.
The contrast with the Biden team, by the way, is
extraordinary. At this point it’s almost hard to find a genuine expert on tax
policy, labor markets, etc. — an expert with an independent reputation who
expects to return to a nonpolitical career in a couple of years — who hasn’t
joined the administration.
Matters may be even worse for politicians who actually care
about policy, still have principles and have personal constituencies separate
from their party affiliation. There’s no room in today’s GOP for the equivalent
of Bernie Sanders and
Elizabeth Warren, unless you count the extremely sui
generis Mitt Romney.
And the predominance of craven careerists is what made the
Republican Party so vulnerable to authoritarian takeover.
Surely a great majority of
Republicans in Congress know that
the election wasn’t stolen. Very few really believe that the storming of the
Capitol was a false-flag antifa operation or simply a crowd of harmless
tourists. But decades as a monolithic, top-down enterprise have filled the GOP
with people who will follow the party line wherever it goes.
So if Trump or a Trump-like figure declares that we have
always been at war with East Asia, well, his party will say that we’ve always
been at war with East Asia. If he says he won a presidential election in a
landslide, never mind the facts, they’ll say he won the election in a
landslide.
The point is that neither megalomania at the top nor rage at
the bottom explains why American democracy is hanging by a thread. Cowardice,
not craziness, is the reason government by the people may soon perish from the
earth.
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