Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent tour in Africa was meant to be
a game changer, not only in terms of Russia’s relations with the continent, but
also of the global power struggle involving the US, Europe, China, India,
Turkey, and others.
اضافة اعلان
Many media reports and analyses placed Lavrov’s
visit to Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Ethiopia within the obvious
political context of the Russia-Ukraine war. British Guardian’s Jason Burka
summed up the visit in these words: “Lavrov is seeking to convince African
leaders and, to a much lesser extent, ordinary people that Moscow cannot be
blamed either for the conflict or the food crisis.”
Though true, there is more at stake.
Africa’s importance to the geostrategic tug of war
is not a new phenomenon. Western governments, think tanks, and media reports
have long allocated much attention to Africa due to China’s and Russia’s
successes in altering the foreign policy map of many African countries. For
years, the West has been playing catch up, but with limited success.
The Economist discussed “the new scramble for
Africa” in a May 2019 article that reported on “governments and businesses from
all around the world” who are “rushing” to the continent in search of “vast
opportunities” awaiting them there.
Between 2010 and 2016, 320 foreign embassies were
opened in Africa, which, according to the magazine, is “probably the biggest
embassy-building boom, anywhere, ever”.
Though China has often been portrayed as a country
seeking economic opportunities only, the nature and evolution of Beijing’s
relations with Africa prove otherwise. Beijing is reportedly the biggest
supplier of arms to sub-Saharan Africa, and its defense technology permeates
almost the entire continent. In 2017, China established its first military base
in Djibouti, in the Horn of Africa.
Russia’s military influence in Africa is also
growing exponentially, and Moscow’s power is challenging that of France, the
US, and others in various strategic spaces, mainly in the East African regions.
But unlike the US and other western states,
countries like China, Russia, and India have been cautious as they attempt to
strike the perfect balance between military engagement, economic development,
and political language.
Quartz Africa reported that trade between Africa and
China “rose to a record high” in 2021. The jump was massive: 35 percent between
2020 and 2021, reaching a total of $254 billion.
Now that COVID-19 restrictions have been largely
lifted, trade between Africa and China is likely to soar to astronomical levels
in the coming years. Keeping in mind the economic slump and potential recession
in the West, Beijing’s economic expansion is unlikely to slow down, despite the
obvious frustration of Washington, London, and Brussels.
It ought to be said that China is already Africa’s
largest trade partner, and by far.
In the first "scramble for Africa", Europe sliced up and divided the continent into colonies and areas of influence. The exploitation and brutalization that followed remain one of the most sordid chapters in modern human history.
Russia-China-Africa’s strong ties are paying
dividends on the international stage. Nearly half of the abstentions in the
vote on UN Resolution ES-11/1 on March 2, condemning Russia’s military action
in Ukraine, came from Africa alone. Eritrea voted against it. This attests to
Russia’s ability to foster new alliances on the continent. It also demonstrates
the influence of China — Russia’s main ally in the current geopolitical tussle
— as well.
Yet, there is more to Africa’s position than mere
interest in military hardware and trade expansion. History is most critical.
In the first “scramble for Africa”, Europe sliced up
and divided the continent into colonies and areas of influence. The exploitation
and brutalization that followed remain one of the most sordid chapters in
modern human history.
What the Economist refers to as the “second scramble
for Africa” during the Cold War era was the Soviet Union’s attempt to demolish
the existing colonial and neo-colonial paradigms established by Western
countries throughout the centuries.
The collapse of the Soviet Union over three decades
ago changed this dynamic, resulting in an inevitable Russian retreat and the
return of the uncontested Western dominance. That status quo did not last for
long, however, as China and, eventually, Russia, India, Turkey, Arab countries,
and others began challenging Western supremacy.
Lavrov and his African counterparts fully understand
this context. Though Russia is no longer a Communist state, Lavrov was keen on
referencing the Soviet era, thus the unique rapport Moscow has with Africa, in
his speeches. For example, ahead of his visit to Congo, Lavrov said in an
interview that Russia had “long-standing good relations with Africa since the
days of the Soviet Union”.
Such language cannot be simply designated as
opportunistic or merely compelled by political urgency. It is part of a complex
discourse and rooted superstructure, indicating that Moscow — along with Beijing
— are preparing for a long-term geopolitical confrontation in Africa.
Considering the West’s harrowing colonial past, and
Russia’s historic association with various liberation movements on the
continent, many African states, intelligentsia, and ordinary people are eager
to break free from the grip of Western hegemony.
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the
author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision
for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”.
Baroud is a non-resident senior research fellow at the Center for Islam and
Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
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