The moment that
Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba was ousted by his own former
military colleague, Captain Ibrahim Traore, pro-coup crowds filled the streets.
Some burned French flags, others carried Russian flags. This scene alone
represents the current tussle under way throughout the African continent.
اضافة اعلان
A few years ago, the discussion regarding the
geopolitical shifts in Africa was not exactly concerned with France and Russia.
It focused mostly on China’s growing economic role and political partnerships
on the African continent. For example, Beijing’s decision to establish its
first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017 signaled China’s major
geopolitical move, by translating its economic influence in the region to
political influence, backed by military presence.
China remains committed to its Africa strategy.
Beijing has been Africa’s largest trading partner for 12 years, consecutively,
with total trade between China and Africa, reaching $254.3 billion in 2021,
according to recent data released by the General Administration of Customs of
China.
The US, along with its Western allies, have been
aware of, and warning against China’s growing clout in Africa. The
establishment of US AFRICOM in 2007 was rightly understood to be a
countermeasure to China’s influence. Since then, and arguably before, talks of
a new “Scramble for Africa” abounded, with new players, including China,
Russia, even Turkey, entering the fray.
The Russia-Ukraine war, however, has altered
geopolitical dynamics in Africa, highlighting the Russian-French rivalry on the
continent, as opposed to the Chinese-American competition there.
Though Russia has been present in African politics
for years, the war — thus the need for stable allies at the UN and elsewhere —
accelerated Moscow’s charm offensive. In July, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey
Lavrov visited Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, fortifying
Russia’s diplomatic relations with African leaders.
“We know that the African colleagues do not approve
of the undisguised attempts of the US and their European satellites … to impose
a unipolar world order to the international community,” Lavrov said.
His words were met with agreement.
Russian efforts have been paying dividends, as early
as the first votes to condemn Moscow at the UN General Assembly, in March and
April. Many African nations remained either neutral or voted against measures
targeting Russia at the UN.
South Africa’s position, in particular, was
problematic from Washington’s perspective, not only because of the size of the
country’s economy, but also because of Pretoria’s political influence and moral
authority throughout Africa. Moreover, South Africa is the only African member
of the G20.
In his visit to the US in September, South Africa’s
President Cyril Ramaphosa defended his country’s neutrality and raised
objections to a draft US bill — the Countering Malign Russian Activities in
Africa Act — that is set to monitor and punish African governments who do not
conform to the American line in the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
The West fails to understand, however, that Africa’s
slow, but determined shift toward Moscow is not haphazard or accidental.
The history of the continent’s past and current
struggle against Western colonialism and neo-colonialism is well known. While
the West continues to define its relationship with Africa based on
exploitation, Russia is constantly reminding African countries of the Soviet
Union’s legacy on the continent.
Though many African countries remain neutral in the case of the Russia-Ukraine war, a massive geopolitical shift is under way, especially in militarily fragile, impoverished and politically unstable countries that are eager to seek alternatives to French and other Western powers.
This is not only apparent in official political
discourses by Russian leaders and diplomats, but also in Russian media
coverage, which is prioritizing Africa and reminding African nations of their
historic solidarity with Moscow.
Burning French flags and raising Russian ones,
however, cannot simply be blamed on supposed Russian economic bribes, clever
diplomacy or growing military influence. The readiness of African nations —
Mali, Central African Republic and, now, possibly, Burkina Faso — has much more
to do with mistrust and resentment of France’s self-serving legacy in Africa,
and 3:50pm West Africa in particular.
France has military bases in many parts of Africa
and remains an active participant in various military conflicts, which has
earned it the reputation of being the continent’s main destabilizing force.
Equally important is Paris’ stranglehold over the economies of 14 African
countries, which are forced to use French currency, the CFA franc, and,
according to Frederic Ange Toure, writing in Le Journal de l’Afrique, to
“centralize 50 percent of their reserves in the French public treasury”.
Though many African countries remain neutral in the
case of the Russia-Ukraine war, a massive geopolitical shift is under way,
especially in militarily fragile, impoverished and politically unstable
countries that are eager to seek alternatives to French and other Western
powers.
For a country like Mali, shifting allegiances from
Paris to Moscow was not exactly a great gamble. Bamako had very little to lose,
and much to gain. The same logic applies to other African countries that are
fighting extreme poverty, political instability and the threat of militancy,
all of which are intrinsically linked.
Though China remains a powerful newcomer to Africa —
a reality that continues to frustrate US policymakers — the more urgent battle,
for now, is between Russia and France, the latter experiencing a palpable
retreat.
In a speech last July, French President Emmanuel Macron
declared that he wanted a “rethink of all our (military) postures on the
African continent”. France’s military and foreign policy shift in Africa,
however, was not compelled by strategy or vision, but by changing realities
over which France has little control.
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is
the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ‘Our
Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak
out’. His other books include ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last
Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam
and Global Affairs (CIGA).
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