In the early 20th
century, British author Norman Angell published a famous book titled “The Great
Illusion”, which declared that economic progress and growing world trade had made
war obsolete. Nations, he argued, could no longer enrich themselves through
conquest: industrial workers could not be exploited like peasants, and even
small nations could prosper by importing raw materials and selling their wares
on world markets. Furthermore, war between economically interdependent nations
would be immensely costly even to the victors.
اضافة اعلان
Angell was not
predicting the immediate end of war, which was good for his credibility, since
the carnage of World War I was just around the corner. He was, however, hoping
to persuade politicians to abandon their dreams of military glory. And an
implication of his logic was that closer economic links among nations might
promote peace.
Indeed, the idea
of peace through trade was to become a cornerstone of Western statecraft in the
aftermath of World War II.
In my most
recent column, I talked about the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which
has governed world trade since 1948. This trading system owes its origins in
large part to Cordell Hull, Franklin Roosevelt’s secretary of state, who saw
world trade as a force for peace as well as prosperity. The road to the EU
began with the creation of the Coal and Steel Community, one of the goals of
which was to create so much interdependence between France and Germany that a
future European war would be impossible.
But now, as I
wrote in the column, the US, which largely created the world trading system, is
imposing new restrictions on trade in the name of national security and bluntly
asserting that it has the right to do so whenever it chooses.
When the Trump
administration did this, it could be dismissed as an aberration: Donald Trump
and those around him were crude mercantilists with no sense of the historical
reasons behind existing trade rules. But you cannot say that about Biden
officials, who understand both the economics and the history.
So is this the
end of peace through trade? Not exactly — but it is a doctrine that has lost a
lot of force lately, for several reasons.
War in the heart of Europe (although, unfortunately, not on its periphery) has become hard to imagine thanks to economic integration; wars to secure access to raw materials seem far less likely than they once were. But the dream of a ‘commercial peace’ has definitely lost much of its force.
First, the idea
that trade fosters peace may be true only for democracies. The US briefly
invaded Mexico in 1916 in an unsuccessful attempt to capture Pancho Villa; such
a thing would be hard to conceive nowadays, with Mexican factories such
integral parts of the North American manufacturing system. But are we equally
sure that the similarly deep integration of Taiwan into China’s manufacturing
system rules out any possibility of invasion?
And
unfortunately, authoritarianism has been rising in many countries around the
world for quite a while. That is partly because some fragile democracies have
collapsed, partly because some autocracies — especially China — have opened up
economically, although not politically, and partly because some of these
autocracies (again, especially China) have experienced rapid economic growth.
What about the
idea that growing integration with the world economy would itself be a force
for democratization?
That idea was a
key pillar of economic diplomacy in some Western nations, notably Germany,
which bet heavily on the doctrine of Wandel durch Handel — transformation
through trade. But even a glance at Vladimir Putin’s Russia or Xi Jinping’s
China shows that this doctrine has failed: China began opening up to
international trade more than 40 years ago, Russia 30 years ago, but neither
shows any signs of becoming a democracy or even a nation with strong rule of
law.
In fact,
international interdependence may have made the ongoing war in Ukraine more
likely. It is not obviously silly to suggest that Putin expected Europe to
accept the conquest of Ukraine because of its dependence on Russian natural
gas.
Again, I am not
suggesting that the idea of peace through trade is completely wrong. War in the
heart of Europe (although, unfortunately, not on its periphery) has become hard
to imagine thanks to economic integration; wars to secure access to raw
materials seem far less likely than they once were. But the dream of a
“commercial peace” has definitely lost much of its force.
That matters a lot. We live in a world of very open
markets, but that did not have to happen, and it does not have to persist. We
did not get here because of inexorable economic logic: globalization can and
has gone into retreat for extended periods when it loses policy support. Nor
did we get here because economists persuaded politicians that free trade is
good. Instead, the current world order largely reflects strategic
considerations: leaders, especially in the US, believed that more or less free
trade would make the world more amenable to our political values and safer for
us as a nation.
But now even relatively
internationalist policymakers, like officials in the Biden administration, are
not sure about that. This is a very big change.
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